Evidently, the result of this process of absorption, which will appear in greater clarity in the first third of the 20th century, was that, at the same time that the bourgeoisie became aristocratic in possessions and tastes, - they bought lands, built palaces, - and became religious devotees and frequented temples and churches, the aristocracy began to act like bourgeoisie, - they bought stock, learned to speculate and to sit on boards of directors of corporations. -

Such, then, is the origin of the "financial aristocracy," privileged protagonists of the economic activities of Madrid, until well into the years of the dictatorship of General Francisco Franco.

The economic and social success of these fortunes, - comparable only with those of very few noble houses, such as the Medinaceli or Alba, yet frequently superior to many others, not a few of them in bankruptcy, including the house of Osuna, - showed immediately in their progressive occupation of new Madrid.

If the old quarters of the city had exhausted its supply of building lots, the expanded areas will offer terrain at good prices to duplicate there, as far as possible, the styles of nobiliary life.

From 1873 and for the next ten years, the construction industry in Madrid will know one of its great moments of splendor.

What develops out of this lively rhythm of building, - and not what Fernández de los Ríos had projected, - will be the identification of the new expanded areas as nobiliary/bourgeois; this will define the future of Madrid, or certainly, one of Madrid's most representative zones.

The avenues of Recoletos and Castellana, which rarely had attracted distinguished dwellers before the revolution, now become, - in a Madrid with better communications, - a most expensive axis where grow, as if by magic, palaces and large private houses, in a mix of all tastes: neo-Mudejar, classic, Italianate, or in French styles, ...

Here the old titled aristocracy and the new nobility create their mansions, which the restored monarchy is prodigal in multiplying, and where high government officials seek their accommodations, or successful politicians and the most celebrated writers, and a pleiade of rich bourgeois find homes.

And although the frontiers of the ancient inner city and the newly widened parts will open doors from the year l892 - twenty-six years after the start these works, - any one of those buildings, - which Fernández de los Ríos would with pleasure see as a symbol of the nation, - the National Library, the Recoletos/Castellana area, and the immediate surroundings, will become the authentic bourgeois Madrid.

It is not strange that to the right and left of that new nobiliary-bourgeoisie axis, in which during the Restoration, the Paseos of Recoletos and Castellana are created, land becomes more valuable and is sold rapidly.

The quarter of Santa Bárbara, to the left and northerly, is the first to profit, with palaces, mansions and fine buildings of five or six storeys. The installation of elevators from the year 1874 liquidates, almost immediately, any non-uniformity of renters in these buildings.

Here, and characteristically in other bourgeois districts, such as that of Alfonso XII, except the principal one, which the proprietor continued reserving for himself, the rest of the storeys offer only two bedchambers for well-to-do renters, and not like before, when there were more bedchambers and less space as stairs were added upwards.

In the Salamanca, a district of much greater extent, the plots closer to the new axis follow the same pattern, but as construction goes on from this street, the new middle-class of professionals will be the ones to be most visible.

It is not that there will be no building of fine mansions along the routes of the principal streets of the new district, - there will be no lack of mansions and palaces, - but as restrictions to volume of construction have disappeared, the more rentable use of space will encourage owners and constructors to present a greater offering within the reach of the middle-class and even of skilled workers.

And finally it is that the new Madrid will not go on defining itself as a bourgeois city, - with great avenues, stone fronts, many forked plazas, national monuments, big businesses, and traffic, - but as a nobiliary bourgeois city, - mansions and palaces, private gardens, - more representative in its central axis of renter proprietors, small merchant bourgeoisie, middle-class administrative and professionals in the bordering areas.

Because, in this Madrid of the Restoration, is where intellectuals and professionals begin to appear, a sector of society of quite another kind.

The Central University, conceived at the top of the educational system, becomes a powerful center of attraction for professors, for whom an access to a university chair in Madrid, apart from its economic advantages, could serve as a springboard to a political career or institutional representation.

But, in addition to academic opportunities, Madrid now opens wide a market to new professionals, - engineers and architects, - who find work in construction of dwellings and official buildings, and the city maintains, as always, a great array of opportunities for writers and journalists.

Nevertheless, the people of Madrid are not the essence of virtue and heroism, and ready to give blood to the cause of liberty. The people now are ignorant and illiterate, incapable of finding any sense in things, drawn to popular folk-shows, sitting at the curbstone of the roads of history.

This new perception and the growing distance between the intellectual elite and the people is, in addition to being the consequence of political experiences unleashed by the revolution of 1868, a direct result of the transformation of the city, of gradual segregation of districts and the slow loss of the presence of common people in the inner city.

The end of the people's revolutions is the beginning, in the formation of Madrid, of a political class that does not owe its rise in power to street turbulence or revolts, but to linkings in dependencies and client relationships, which they succeed in establishing with their own points of origin.

If the fusion of high commercial bourgeoisie with the landowner nobility - the conversion of Manzanedo into a Duke of Santona, for example, - will give place to an aristocracy of finance, a new parliamentary system with parties of notables who peacefully take turns in power, this will be the key for consolidation in Madrid, of a class of professional politicians closely allied to local chiefs.

It is the new political class which will make the effort to carry out some of the reforms and innovations in Madrid, which the moderates of the years of the forties and the revolutionaries of the sixties had harbored or proposed.

It will be now, in the decade of the eighties, when privately financed construction sinks into a long depression, when Madrid is endowed with some of the many buildings which Mesonero Romanos found lacking in a capital worthy of a monarchy, and Fernández de los Ríos missed in a city worthy of the nation.

Market-places, like those of Cebada and Mostenses, - the first iron structures built in Madrid, - which the revolution had projected and which the monarchy inaugurated, rail stations such as the Norte, Delicias and Atocha, - which take the place of the old loading-docks, - buildings destined to lift to prominence the city's cultural sphere, such as the Museums of Ethnology and of Natural Sciences, the National Library, the Royal Spanish Academy, or the new site of the Athenaeum on the Calle del Prado.

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